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15 September 2022

Transvestitenschein - Part II Third Reich

Part I: Weimar Republik

Part II: Third Reich


 BackgroundWhile the Nazi party was - with a few exceptions such as Ernst Röhm, leader of the Sturmabteilung [SA] - mainly anti-queer, its persecution was mainly aimed at gay men. Some trans persons were sucked into this persecution and were imprisoned and died. However others managed to get their Transvestitenschein approved or renewed. A very small number managed to gain legal name changes and even gender-affirming surgery. In this and other ways the Third Reich was inconsistent, both in its tolerance and in its murderousness.


30 January 1933: New Cabinet sworn in, with Adolf Hitler as Chancellor.

Hermann Goering was appointed Minister of Interior. He ordered the closure of gay bars. He sacked senior police officers in order to replace them with key Nazi supporters, and recruited 50,000 members of the SA to work as Auxiliary Police (this later became the Gestapo). Thus the police acceptance of the non-criminality of queer persons which had been hard-won during the Weimar-period was lost.

27 February. The Reichstag fire. Immediately before the federal election of 5 March. Nazi organisations monitored the voting, and the Nazi Party (NSDAP) gained a majority.

21 March. The Malicious Practices Act (Verordnung zur Abwehr heimtückischer Diskreditierung der nationalen Regierung) enabled "protective custody" (Schutzhaft - internment without trial on the pretence of protection from ‘the righteous wrath of the population’) of paupers, homosexuals and Jews.

24 March. The first concentration camp was opened close to Dauchau, near Munich. The Reichstag passed what became known as the Enabling Act which allowed laws passed by the government to override the constitution.

6 May. The Deutsche Studentenschaft made an organised attack on the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft.

10 May. Part of the Institut's library and archives were publicly hauled out and burned in the streets of the Opernplatz.

Gerd Winkelmann was working for the post-office in Berlin in 1933 when he first obtained a Transvestitenschein.

Gerd Kubbe had his Transvestitenschein withdrawn.

Toni Simon’s one-year Transvestitenschein was cancelled by the new regime. After a short prison sentence, Simon left for Spain.

Ossy Gades, who had previously worked as a taxi-dancer at the Eldorado but was then working as a man, was arrested several times and beaten for having dressed in women’s clothes. He explained that he was not homosexual, and went out en-femme only when accompanied by his wife. He was still regarded as homosexual.

1934 Toni [not Ebel] was allowed to take that name, and allowed to wear women's clothes. In the following years she felt 'balanced and happy'.

The number of men sentenced to prison under § 175 increased from 464 in 1932 to 575 in 1933 and 635 in 1934. There was as yet no systematic persecution of individual homosexual behavior, and until 1935, convictions remained below the high of 1,107 convictions set in 1925.

21 June. The Night of the Long Knives. The murderous purge of Ernst Röhm and other gay men in the ranks of the SA wing of the Nazis.

Toni Ebel and Charlotte Charlaque fled to Czechoslovakia.

October. Reinhard Heydrich, director of the Schutzstaffel (SS),ordered the police of all large cities to make a list of homosexuals. A separate Gestapo department, the Special Commission for Homosexuality in Berlin, was set up. In late 1934, the Gestapo targeted Berlin and Munich, raiding surviving gay bars and making mass arrests of homosexual men. Many accused of homosexuality admitted to acts that were not punishable under Paragraph 175 and expected to be released; instead, they were mistreated and held in protective custody (Schutzhaft) in Columbia-Haus, Lichtenburg, or Dachau concentration camp.

1935 Gerd Winkelmann applied for an extension of the Transvestitenschein. Winkelmann pleaded that the discrepancy between the name on his papers and his appearance prevented him from getting a job, and that he could not wear female clothing because he was always taken to be a man. He stressed that he was not a lesbian. Three officials found his case to be plausible in that he looked like and passed as a man. They ordered the police to keep an eye on him.

By early 1935, 80 percent of the prisoners held in 'protective custody' (Schutzhaft) in the concentration camps were there for alleged homosexuality. To convict these men, it was decided to change the criminal code.

Paragraph 175 was amended. The new version of the law punished all sexual acts, defined broadly; "objectively when a general sense of shame is harmed and subjectively when there exists the lustful intention to excite either of the two men or a third party". In theory, it became a crime to look at another man with desire. Men were convicted for mutual masturbation or simply embracing each other and in a few cases when no physical contact had occurred. Under the new law, typically all participants were viewed as equally guilty whereas under the previous law, the "active" and "passive" participants were differentiated. The new law made it much easier to arrest and convict homosexual men, leading to a large increase in convictions. Under a new section 175a, the law also introduced harsher penalties for male prostitution, sex with a man younger than 21, or sex with a student or employee. The change in the law was not publicized for fear of spreading knowledge of homosexuality. Most Germans were unaware the law had changed and many of those arrested under the new law had no knowledge they were committing a crime. The law was also applied retroactively.

Trans persons were then under more pressure to prove that they were not homosexual and not sex workers.

Ossy Gades was arrested again, and sent to Lichtenburg concentration camp. This camp was one of the first and housed mostly political prisoners and gay men. He died there a year later.

1936 In April the case re Gerd Winkelmann was passed to the Geheime Staatspolizei (Gestapo), who requested a report from Professor Dr. Müller-Heß of the Berlin Institute for Forensic Medicine (Psychiatric division).

Mathias Robert S moved from Vienna to St Pölten, Lower Austria having had an operation to remove his internal female organs. He applied to have his first name changed. The Regional Sanitary Directorate argued his case as Hirschfeld had done for similar cases. However after a medical examination the request was declined. The Provincial Government emphasised that according to "current customs, the wearing of masculine dress by women occurs often enough, especially in the countryside and in spas and bathing resorts, and there are no police regulations against it. The application for a change of first name was therefore not granted in 1937 for lack of "merit"(rücksichtswürdigen).

Establishment of the Reich Office for Combating Homosexuality and Abortion (Reichszentrale zur Bekämpfung der Homosexualität und Abtreibung), which oversaw the registration of transvestites. It worked with Gestapo Special Bureau II S.

Heinrich Himmler, Reichsführer of the Schutzstaffel (Protection Squadron; SS), was quoted in 1937 that it was a “catastrophe if we masculinise women in such a way that the difference between the sexes, the polarity, disappears over time” and "all things that move in the sexual sector" not to be a "private matter for an individual, but they mean the life and death of the people”.

1937 In England, a clergyman and his wife consulted psychiatrist and Hirschfeld associate Norman Haire and asked him to make an application to the Home Office for a transvestism permit such as had been available in Germany. Haire asked a Cabinet Member (and husband of another of Haire’s patients) to make the request. The reply was that it was quite impossible to issue such a permit because it was not illegal to go about in public in the clothes of the opposite sex, and the Home Office could not issue a permit to condone behaviour which was already quite legal.

Hertha Wind was called up for reserve training with the Navy. On arrival she was assumed to be Frau Wind who had called to collect her husband’s papers. By luck the former captain of the battleship Friedrich der Grosse (on which Wind had served) was in the building, and Wind was able to explain to him, and he got the situation put right.

Between 1937 and 1939, nearly 95,000 men were arrested for homosexuality—more than 600 per week—representing a major investment by the Nazi police state. From 1936 to 1939, nearly 30,000 men were convicted under Paragraph 175. Unlike in the past, these men were virtually guaranteed to receive a jail sentence. The length of sentences increased; many men were sentenced to years in jail. Prosecutors, judges, and others involved in the cases increasingly cited Nazi ideology to justify harsh punishment, adopting the regime's rhetoric of "stamping out the plague of homosexuality". The use of concentration camp imprisonment increased; after 1937, those considered to have seduced others into homosexuality were confined to concentration camps.

24 January 1938 when "on the basis of § 1 of the Decree of the Reich President for the Protection of the People and the State of 28 February 1933” Gerd Kubbe was arrested for wearing men's clothing in public till recently, although her permission to do so had been withdrawn in 1933. Kubbe was incarcerated in the Lichtenburg Concentration Camp.

4 March. Mathias S formally applied to the Provincial Governor's Office for "written police permission to wear male clothing" - although this was still not required under Austrian law - and for "entry of the writer's name Mathias Robert S[...] in his passport or in a police identification document"

13 March. With the Anschluß Österreichs, the annexation of Austria, some German law was applied in Austria. That is Transvestitenscheins could now be issued, but Austria unlike Germany retained its own law against lesbianism.

Hertha Wind’s papers were still those of a man despite it being seven years since her completion surgery. Her doctor urged her to stage a showdown. She went to the public baths in Frankfurt and attempted to enter the men’s section, showing her id that said that she was a man. The kerfuffle seemed to be going nowhere, but a few months later she did receive official permission to wear women’s cloths, and the next year new identity documents but as Fraulein, not Frau. And she became Frau a year after that.

Kubbe was released on 12 October that same year, with a temporary permit, and instructed to report to the Berlin Gestapa Department II D. Kubbe was granted permission to wear men's clothing under the condition that she may not go to public places of need, baths and the like in men's clothing. In addition to the Transvestitenschein, Kubbe was allowed to take the gender-neutral first name of Gerd. In addition police surveillance was ordered.

Mathias Robert S again submitted an application to the competent authority for a change of documents or a change of the first name. S. then contacted the Institute for Forensic Medicine in Vienna where a professor agreed to provide an expert opinion free of charge. This led to provisional re-registration in November.

December. Rudolf K appeared “in men’s clothes” at the Vienna Criminal Police Headquarters. He explained that he had worn men’s clothes since 1920 "partly out of disposition, partly for the sake of easier advancement". He was actually using his brother’s papers and was registered with the police as a man. In November he had received a request from the military district command to present "for examination". However, since he knew everyone in his small town, he had "shied away" from complying with this request and turned himself in to the police. He had not applied for a Transvestitenschein, was employed as a photographer’s assistant and was supporting his blind elderly foster mother. On K’s behalf, a lawyer filed an application for a Transvestitenschein and for a legal name change.

Liddy Bacroft, who had had a Transvestitenschein in the early 1920s, but had served time for theft and ‘unnatural fornication’ was released from prison but later was re-arrested for solicitation. A few months into her new sentence, Liddy applied for "voluntary castration" in order to be cured of the "morbid passion that led me down the path to prostitution". She was forensically examined by a medical councillor who recommended subsequent preventive detention.

1939 The police surveillance of Gerd Kubbe was discontinued 25 February.

April. Rudolf K’s application was supported by an official medical certificate.

May. Rudolf K’s case was referred to the Reichsführer SS. The Reichskriminalpolizeiamt supported the application. In July the application to wear mens’ clothes was approved but with a caveat that K be instructed not to go to public places of need, baths and the like. In August the local police approved the change of name. However the Provincial Governor's Office disagreed. The the Ministry of the Interior and Cultural Affairs of the Province of Austria declined to decide and the case was submitted to the Reich Ministry of the Interior in Berlin.

June: “Agnes S” was detained in Berlin for wearing a man’s suit without a Transvestitenschein. S. feared losing his livelihood (selling fruit from a barrow).

August. The Regional Sanitary Directorate again applied for Mathias Robert S to be definitely assigned to the male sex based on the report from the Institute for Forensic Medicine. This was accepted three days later.

Toni [not Ebel] expressed a "wish for a functional vagina". In the same year, the penis was amputated, the urethra was implanted in the perineum, and "vaginoplasty by means of skin folds from the remaining scrotal skin and finally, in 1940, the creation of a vagina artificialis".

1940 February. Gerd Winkelmann’s application was reprocessed. However it was announced that Winkelmann was a woman and must dress accordingly. A change of first name from Gertrud to Gerd would not be allowed. Winkelmann attempted to live as a woman, but met great humiliation.

26 February. The Reich Ministry of the Interior in Berlin approved Rudolf K’s name change.

Mathias Robert S married.

August: “Agnes S” arrested again, but released after promising to dress as female.

Elisabeth and Hertha Wind applied to adopt a baby girl. After Hertha took a four-month Mothers’ Course and gained a diploma, they were permitted to do so.

It was later reported that in 1940 in the town of Gladbeck, North Rhine-Westphalia, two persons previously regarded as women, were declared to be men, and one of them joined the marines.

1941 The Standesämter persevered in the case of Alex Starke, arguing that it was not a private case but a matter of interest to the state. The Interior Ministry issued a ruling in May 1941. They ruled that as Starke had lived as a man since 1920, it would be an ‘unjustifiable hardship’ and maybe even ‘impossible’ for him to have to start living as a woman. The name change was not to be rescinded, however he was not to be allowed to marry.

1942 Henriett B. on completion of her sentence for draft evasion, requested castration. The health department went further and, as a matter of eugenics, did a penectomy. After returning to Hanover B. applied to change her first name from Hinrich to Henriett. No objections to this were raised.

1943 Mathias Robert S and his wife fostered a baby girl. A few years later they adopted her.

Liddy Bacroft completed her prison sentence. She was then transferred to the Mauthausen concentration camp where she was murdered.

1945. WWII ended 8 May. The concentration camps were liberated, and most surviving inmates freed. However queers, convicted under either the original § 175 or under the revised more inclusive § 175 of 1935, were transferred to regular prisons to complete their sentences.

20 September. The Malicious Practices Act, 1933 was repealed by the Allied administration.

1948 Toni [not Ebel]: Although the approval for the change of first name had been granted in October 1934, it was not until 1948 that the "rectification of the registry office records" took place, according to which the applicant was retroactively assigned to the female gender on the basis of a "medical determination". Now she also applied for "rehabilitation" and sought "judicial prosecution and punishment for the crime committed against me in 1933".

1949 After the founding of the Deutsche Demokratische Republik (DDR - East Germany) an omnibus bill was passed to repeal all Nazi legislation, thereby reverting to the original 1870 § 175. The Bundesrepublik (BDR - West Germany) retained most Nazi legislation including the revised § 175 of 1935.

1951 Toni Simon’s Transvestitenschein, cancelled in 1933, was restored.

1956 West Germany’s Bundesentschädigungsgesetz (BEG - Federal Compensation Act) offered compensation to victims of Nazism. However it specifically excluded Sinti/Roma/Gypsy/Tsigani, those who were considered asocial under the Nazi regime or men convicted under § 175 . In practice trans persons and female impersonators were also excluded.

Toni Ebel living in East Berlin applied to the DDR for and was granted compensation as a victim of Nazism.

-----------------

The following were consulted:

  • Rainer Herrn. Schnittmuster des Geschlechts. Transvestismus und Transsexualität in der frühen Sexualwissenschaft. Giessen, 2005: .

  • Jane Caplan. “The Administration of Gender Identity in Nazi Germany“. History Workshop Journal, 72, Autumn 2011.

  • Katie Sutton. “ ‘We Too Deserve a Place in the Sun’: The Politics of Transvestite Identity in Weimar Germany”. German Studies Review, 35,2, 2012.

  • Ilse Reiter-Zatlaukal. “Geschlechtswechsel unter der NS‐Herrschaft”. Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte Österreichs, 2014.

  • Eva Fels. “Transgender im Nationalsozialismus”. 2014. Online.

  • Natasha Frost. “The Early 20th-Century ID Cards That Kept Trans People Safe From Harassment”. Atlas Obscura, November 2, 2017. Online.

  • Lisa-Katharina Nader. "Ein Mann in Frauenkleidern": Männliche Transvestiten in deutschsprachigen Printmedien der Habsburgermonarchie und der Österreichischen Republik 1895 bis 1934. Mag. phil, Universität Wien, 2017: 25-8. Online.

DE.Wikipedia

GVWW(La Préfecture de Police, Paris, and permissions de travestissement)

12 September 2022

Transvestitenschein, the German license to cross-dress - Part I Weimar Republic

Part I:  Weimar Republic

Part II: Third Reich


The legal position:   § 175 of the Prussian legal code, which criminalised male (but not female) homosexuality, had been extended to the whole of Germany following unification in 1870.   Cross-dressing (Geschlechtsverkleidung) was not as such illegal, but persons doing so could, at the whim of the arresting officer, be charged with public mischief under § 183 of the German legal code (which could mean six weeks’ imprisonment or a fine of 150 marks).    As such the legal situation was not dissimilar to that in England, where the fact that transvesting was not a crime had been definitely established by the 1871 trial of Stella and Fanny.  They had been charged with an 'unnatural offence' (that is sodomy) but this was not proved. Other than this, the prosecution was stuck for a crime. Dressing as a woman was not in itself a crime.  However arrests of transvesting persons for ‘public mischief’ continued for another century.

Both countries differed from France where The Penal Code of 10 June 1853, Article 471 §15 criminalised transvesting in public spaces and balls.

The idea of a licence to cross-dress is French. It was initiated by the Paris Préfecture de Police 7 November 1800 (well before the law of 1853), and continued through into the 20th century.

There is at least one recorded incident - in Austria - of a police permit to wear male clothes that predates the 20th century: that of the Viennese folk singer, Pepi Schmeer.

In Schliersee, district office of Miesbach, Upper Bavaria, a ‘lady’ named “Rosina Danner” had gone dressed as a man without any permission for 30 years before dying in 1908.

There is no proper account in Magnus Hirschfeld’s two major books on Transvestism, Die Transvestiten, 1910 and Sexualpathologie, volume II, 1919, of his negotiation with the Berlin Polizeiprasidium for the first Transvestitenshein in 1909. It is surely likely though that Hirschfeld, through his contacts with French doctors, and the Berlin Polizeiprasidium, though their contacts with the Paris Préfecture de Police, were aware of the French practice.

Anyway the French licence was called Permission de Travestissement. The German Transvestitenschein is a close translation of Permission de Travestissement - although the German refers to ‘transvestites’ rather than ‘transvestism’. The usage of Transvestitenschein is Hirschfeld’s first use of any Transvest* word, and the most likely assumption is that he took his usage of transvest* words from the French usage.

In 1909 Karl Kohnheim (born 1885), a trans man encountering repeated difficulties in having a female name on his papers, had a run-in with the Berlin police and the referral physician contacted Hirschfeld. Hirschfeld and psychoanalyst Karl Abraham (1877-1925) wrote an evaluation using the pseudonym ‘Katharina T’ and referring to him as 'Fräulein'. Working with a lawyer, they obtained first interim oral permission, then also written permission by the police chief Ernst von Stubenrauch. This was the first German Transvestitenschein, a legal acknowledgement of cross-dressing. The request to change his first name was not granted.

1910 Magnus Hirschfeld published Die Transvestiten: eine Untersuchung über den erotischen Verkleidungstrieb mit umfangreichem casuistischem und historischem Material. In this new book, Hirschfeld never uses the word ‘Transvestitismus’. He uses ‘Transvestiten’ only a few times. He mainly uses the established German words for cross-dressing: ‘Verkleidung’, sometimes ‘Geschlechtsverkleidung’. Transvestitenscheins as such are not discussed, although there is an account of Karl Kohnheim/Katharina T.

Josefine Meißauer, who was then 48 and had read Die Transvestiten, contacted Hirschfeld in early September 1911. The Berlin lawyer, Fritz Selten, took the case and submitted the application with a recommendation written by Hirschfeld and Iwan Bloch to the Prussian Police Präsidium, which on 27 September 1911, on the basis of this expert opinion, "granted permission to wear women's clothes”. The same written legitimation was also issued by the Munich police chief. Josefine Meißauer was the first trans woman in Germany to get a Transvestitenschein.

A letter from the Berlin police in 1911 read:

“According to the law and jurisprudence, the wearing of men's clothes by a woman is only punishable if public order is disturbed, for example, by causing a public spectacle, or in a similar way. If you wear men's clothing, you must ensure above all that the wearing of such clothing does not lead to any discord and that public order is not disturbed in any way. Only if unfavourable facts were to become known in the latter respect would you have to be prohibited from wearing men's clothing.”
This was published in the Berliner Tageblatt.

Another letter in 1912 read:

“I inform you that you are not prohibited from wearing female clothing per se. However, you will be liable to prosecution as soon as you cause a disturbance by your behaviour in women's clothing.”

(The documents issued thereafter by the police contained the personal data and the portrait photo - in the target-sex habit - of the person concerned and, stamped by the police headquarters, became a kind of identity card. This did not actually constitute permission to wear clothes of the opposite sex, as was often misunderstood (even by Magnus Hirschfeld), but it did identify the person as a diagnosed transvestite - and thus as a sex-driven repeat offender, and so an arrest could be dispensed with. For the persons concerned, this practice may have been a relief. But it also meant a multiple relationship of dependency: on the one hand on the examining doctor, who had to be paid a fee for the diagnosis, on the other hand on the police headquarters, which issued the certificate, and finally on the goodwill of the police and judicial officers, who could forego an arrest or even a charge if the certificate was presented. In this way, the authorities controlled abrogations of the public dress code.)

1912 Berthold Buttgereit (1891 - 1981) obtained a Transvestitenschein from the Berlin police, with an expert opinion from Hirschfeld and the neurologist Ernst Burchard .

Gerda von Zobeltitz acquired a Transvestitenschein in nearby Potsdam, and when called for military recruitment in 1913, she appeared as Gerda, and was deemed ineligible.

Louis Sch. successfully applied for a Transvestitenschein supported by Hirschfeld and Ernst Burchard, was allowed to change his first name to Louis, and as a man married his girlfriend.

Emilie Kellner, a retired police officer, gained a Transvestitenschein with the aid of Hirschfeld and Ernst Burchard, but was refused a name change to Emilie.

1914 Trans man “Elsa B”, who was taken to be a man in women’s clothes, was suspected of being a Serbian spy and severely beaten on the street. That was the first time that he begged the police for a Transvestitenschein so that he could legally wear male clothing. He was held for six days, at first examined by a police surgeon, and then by a psychiatrist. But he was not given a Transvestitenschein.

1915 Gerda von Zobeltitz lost her Transvestitenschein after a grand uncle's denunciatory intervention.

1915 Ernst, raised as female, registered with the military authority several times with an urgent request to be taken on as a soldier. The garrison doctor raised concerns as to whether there might be an erroneous gender determination . He was therefore referred to an expert, who found that male sex characteristics predominated. Ernst applied to the Potsdam government for a name change and a Transvestitenschein.

1917 Emilie Kellner had moved to Charlottenburg but descended to impoverishment because of the male name on his papers. The case was referred to the Ministry of the Interior, and was supported by the mayor of Charlottenburg. An expert opinion from the Royal Medical College disagreed with the Hirschfeld-Burchard report, and her application was denied.

1918 Berthold Buttgereit moved to Cologne and obtained a Transvestitenschein from the police there.

1919 Foundation of the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft

Alex Starke moved to Berlin, where he worked as a dentist and, with expert evidence from Magnus Hirschfeld, he applied for a Transvestitenschein In September.

3 November 1919: a new regulation for the change of the family name within the jurisdiction of the district courts.

1920 The first official authorisation to wear women's clothes issued in Switzerland.

21 April: a decree of the Prussian Minister of Justice whereby the district courts were authorised to change the first name also. Walther Niemann, a lawyer with close ties to the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee (WhK), campaigned for name changes for trans persons. The local court declared itself not competent despite this instruction. Niemann consulted the Ministry of Justice and found out that it wanted to decide about transvestites on a case-by-case basis. Initially, trans persons were only authorised to bear a first name that was not gender-specific, such as Alex, Toni or Gerd, and only later was this regulation extended to clearly female or male names.

September. Alex Starke successfully petitioned a local court in downtown Berlin to change his legal name to Alex, and in November the civil register in Erfurt was accordingly changed.

1921 Trans man “Elsa B” came to Emil Gutheil at the University of Vienna for therapy so that he could obtain a Transvestitenschein. B did attend 33 sessions with Gutheil, during which the psychoanalyst continued to refer to him as ‘she’ and as a ‘woman’.

1922 The Berlin Criminal Police published a statement in which they forbade arrest solely on the basis of wearing gender-atypical clothing, stating:

“Apart from male prostitution, transvestism in general has no criminal significance. The widespread public opinion that the disguised individuals are generally criminals in disguise (pickpockets, spies, pimps, etc.) is obsolete. With regard to the male transvestites, recent experience shows that even the view, formerly taken-for-granted, that men in women’s clothing are all homosexuals is no longer tenable. . . . On the basis of this insight emerges a duty of gentle treatment [schonenden Behandlung] of transvestites, as long as they are not engaged in male prostitution."

By 1924 the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft fee for arranging a Transvestitenschein was 150 Reichmarks.

1927 Toni F. (not the same person as Toni Ebel) attempted to change her birth certificate from male to female. Toni's application was denied on the grounds she was biologically male although she wore female clothing, looked completely female and thought of herself as female.

In the summer of 1927 several Viennese women applied to the police and the magistrate in Vienna to be allowed to wear men's clothes permanently, but this was rejected on the grounds that what was not forbidden could not be approved. The Berlin queer publication Die Freundin in September ran the headline: "Viennese women are allowed to wear men's clothes!"

1928 Olga Ebel died. Ebel became Toni again, Charlotte Charlaque introduced Toni to Magnus Hirschfeld. She obtained a Transvestitenschein.

1928 Gert Katter (1910-1995) had decided that he wanted to live as a man, and obtained a Transvestitenschein.

1929 Toni Simon, dressed female, appeared in court in Essen charged with gross mischief for appearing in public in female clothing. While the judge did fine her 100 marks, he otherwise dismissed the case saying that if the police issued Transvestitenscheins then the court should follow suit.

1930 Toni Ebel had her application to change her first name granted.

1931 A Swiss person having requested and received castration, then threatened suicide if not allowed a name change to Martha. This was approved by the government council of the canton in October.

08 September 2022

Emilie Kellner (1873 - ?) police officer and Hirschfeld patient

Kellner, born in Hanover, a husband and father, had been for many years a Berlin police officer (Kriminalschutzmann). Kellner had also been divorced on grounds of adultery. By 1912 Kellner was allowed to dress female while on duty:

"As a police officer, he loves to do investigations in his female persona. This was approved of and the use of female clothing outside of such investigative cases was excused by the fact that he should and wanted to acquire confidence in his behaviour as a woman. Afterwards they gave in to his being a woman, since there was no problems for the police”.

In that year Kellner approached Hirschfeld for an expert opinion so that she could acquire a Transvestitenschein. Hirschfeld and Ernst Burchard wrote a report citing a "case of hermaphroditism … in which the female component decidedly predominates by far". They requested a Transvestitenschein so that Kellner could wear women's clothes all the time, as well as a change of the first name from Emil to Emilie with a corresponding change in the civil register. The Berlin Polizeipräsident approved the Transvestitenschein eight weeks later on 21 October 1912, but rejected the application for the name change because Kellner "could only be recognised as a man based on the official medical report at the time".

By now Kellner had moved to Charlottenburg, a town soon to become a Berlin suburb, to the west of Hirschfeld’s Institut, where she encountered difficulties, especially with employment, because of the discrepancy between her dress and her first name. She was becoming destitute. Two ministry officials reported on this to the Prussian Minister of the Interior at the beginning of 1917. They described Kellner's situation as "quite ambivalent and desperate", an assessment also shared by Charlottenburg's mayor, who "warmly recommends" Kellner's name change. The ministry officials unsuccessfully tried to have Kellner’s first name transcribed in the church register of Kellner's birthplace in Hanover, and requested the Minister to grant the name change as an "exception”. However, the minister found that there was "no sufficient reason" and that a further medical expert opinion had to be obtained first. 

6 July 1917, the Ministry of the Interior commissioned another expert opinion from the Royal Medical College, which arrived on 4 October 1917. In contrast to the Hirschfeld-Burchard report, this emphasised Kellner’s male build and found no basis for evaluating her personality as other than male. The Ministry ruled that Kellner could not be recognised as a woman. Perhaps due to the chaos at the end of the War, the notice of rejection was not sent until July 1919.

  • Magnus Hirschfeld & Ernst Burchard. “Zur Kasuistik des Verkleidungstriebs”. Ärztliche Sachverständigen-Zeitung, 18, 23, 1912: 477-9.
  • Magnus Hirschfeld. “Ein Transvestit”. in Ludwig Levy-Lenz (ed). Sexualkatastrophen: Bilder aus dem modernen Geschlechts- und Eheleben.A H Payne, 1926: 6-18.
  • Rainer Herrn. Schnittmuster des Geschlechts: Transvestitismus und Transsexualität in der frühen Sexualwissenschaft. Psychosozial-Verlag, 2005: 91-2.

05 September 2022

Karl Giese (1898 - 1938) Hirschfeld's archivist, facilitator

Karl Giese was raised by a working-class family in Berlin, in the Wedding district, close to where the Leopoldplatz U-Bahn station was opened in 1923. He was a student when in 1918 he attended a lecture by Magnus Hirschfeld and recognised his own homosexuality. He was active in theatre and performed with the Theater der Eigenen, which led to a part in the pioneering pro-gay film Anders als die Andern, where he met Hirschfeld again. Hirschfeld opened the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft that year, and employed Giese at first as a secretary and general assistant. Later he was put in charge of the collections, the archives and the library. At some point they became a couple. Charlotte Wolfe, Hirschfeld's biographer, comments of Hirschfeld: 

“The fact that he himself broke the barrier of secrecy through the openness of his love for his secretary, Karl Giese. was as much a turning point in his life as the realization of his dream — the creation of the Institute for Sexual Science. The one might not have succeeded so well without the other. (p185)”

Giese took initiatives in decorating, enjoyed needlework and managed Hirschfeld’s wardrobe. He occasionally did drag for a social. He conducted tours of the Institut and gave lectures. Wolfe comments re Giese: 

“Giese was no academic, but he had native wit and considerable intelligence. He had been a brilliant autodidact. He was also an articulate speaker, and Hirschfeld entrusted him with lecturing to the general public on questions of sexual conflict and homosexuality. He fulfilled his many tasks with enthusiasm, and at the same time cared for Hirschfeld's well-being like a mother. (p185)”

Giese lecturing
Giese wrote reviews of gay novels and studied the Danish fairy tale writer Hans Christian Andersen. In September 1929 he accompanied Hirschfeld and his translator Charlotte Charlaque to the Third International Congress of the World League for Sexual Reform (WLSR) in London.

In November 1929 the English writer Christopher Isherwood became a paying guest in the Institut. He and Karl flirted with each other. Isherwood commented: 

“As the short winter afternoon began to darken, they would visit Karl Giese for coffee and gossip. The atmosphere of Karl’s sitting room had none of the Institute’s noble seriousness; it was a cozy little nest, lined with photographs and souvenirs. In repose, Karl’s long handsome face was melancholy. But soon he would be giggling and rolling his eyes. Touching the back of his head with his fingertips, as if patting bobbed curls, he would strike an It-Girl pose. This dedicated, earnest, intelligent campaigner for sexual freedom had an extraordinary innocence at such moments. Christopher saw in him the sturdy peasant youth with a girl’s heart who, long ago, had fallen in love with Hirschfeld, his father image Karl still referred to Hirschfeld as ‘Papa’.”

Karl & Magnus

By 1930 Giese had become involved in marriage counselling for trans persons, and wrote a paper on the topic for Die Aufklärung, in which he discouraged marriages especially for ‘homosexual transvestites’.

When Magnus Hirschfeld left on his world tour in December1930, he appointed Giese as his trustee and advocate. In March 1932 Hirschfeld arrived in Athens from Beirut on his way back. He was there met by Giese who warned him that he would not be safe if he returned to Berlin. And he met Hirschfeld’s new lover Tao Li, whom he got on with. After a brief time together, Giese returned to Berlin to run the Institut, and the other two went to Zurich. In September he and Hirschfeld went to the Fifth and last Congress of the World League for Sexual Reform (WLSR) in Brno co-organised by Dr Josef Weisskopf (1904-1977).



Giese was a witness of the Nazi looting of the Institut, 6 May 1933, and left for Switzerland the next day, where he met with Hirschfeld and Tao Li in the resort town of Ascona. They lived for a few month as a ménage à trois. In August Giese was sent to Brno to discuss the possibility of a new Institut there with Josef Weisskopf. However the answer was negative. Giese was able to work with the Brno lawyer Karl Fein (1894-1942) to buy back part of the archives etc from the Institut that had not been burned in the public bonfire 10 May 1933. Giese arranged that the materials - about 2500 kg - were transported to Paris, where they were stored in a warehouse but later lost. By then Hirschfeld and Tao Li were in Paris, and Giese joined them. However in spring 1934 Giese was arrested for the wrong kind of sex in a public bathhouse, and sentenced to three months. As a result his residence permit was not renewed and he was forced to leave France at the end of October, He went to Vienna and for a while was a student (Norman Haire and Hirschfeld were paying his fees). When Hirschfeld died 14 May 1935 in Nice, Giese illegally re-entered France and gave a speech at the funeral. 

In June 1936 he returned to Brno, initially - for a few months - living with Karl Fein, but then found his own flat. While his inheritance from Hirschfeld contained conditions about restoring the Archives, he was able to live comfortably without finding a job. He was in touch with Charlotte Charlaque and Toni Ebel when they were in Brno. He was reading English-language literature, and attending the theatre. He may have been taking English lessons from Charlotte. However he was depressed and after the Nazi annexation of Austria he took his own life on 16 March 1938, at the age of 39. 

All that he had was inherited by Karl Fein, who was arrested by the Gestapo in August 1942 and died in the Terezin concentration camp February 1943.

  • Richard Oswald (dir). Anders als die Andern.Scr: Magnus Hirschfeld & Richard Oswald, with Conrad Veidt, Karl Giese and Magnus Hirschfeld. Germany 50 mins 1919.
  • Karl Giese “Transvestitismus und Eheberatung". Die Aufklärung,2,3, 1930: 66-8.
  • Christopher Isherwood. Christopher and His Kind, 1929 - 1939. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1976: 21-2, 32, 40, 55, 98, 133-4, 140.
  • Charlotte Wolff. Magnus Hirschfeld: A Portrait of a Pioneer in Sexology. Quartet Books, 1986: 176, 185-7, 255, 366, 369, 373-4, 376-7, 280-1, 392-7, 400-1, 406-410, 417, 422, 427-8,
  • Bernd-Ulrich Hergemöller. Mann für Mann : biographisches Lexikon zur Geschichte von Freundesliebe und mannmännlicher Sexualität im deutschen Sprachraum. Hamburg: MännerschwarmSkript, 1998: under “Giese, Karl”.
  • Norman Page. Auden and Isherwood: The Berlin Years.St Martin's Press. 1998: 43, 108, 111-2,
  • Rainer Herrn. Schnittmuster des Geschlechts: Transvestitismus und Transsexualität in der frühen Sexualwissenschaft.Psychosozial—Verlag, 2005: 115, 120, 123-6.
  • Ralf Dose.Magnus Hirschfeld: Deutscher, Jude, Weltbürger. Teetz: Hentrich & Hentrich, 2005. English translation by Edward H. Willis. Magnus Hirschfeld: The Origins of the Gay Liberation Movement. Monthly Review Press, 2014: 28, 58, 65-7, 79-80.
  • Mancini, Elena. Magnus Hirschfeld and the Quest for Sexual Freedom: A History of the First International Sexual Freedom Movement. Springer, 2010: 70, 121, 133, 140.
  • Diana Wyndham. Norman Haire and the Study of Sex. Sydney University Press, 2012: 266–268, 405.
  • Gregory Woods. Homintern: How Gay Culture Liberated the Modern World. Yale University Press, 2016: 145-6.
  • Heike Bauer. The Hirschfeld Archives: Violence, Death, and Modern Queer Culture. Temple University Press, 2017: 81, 83, 91, 103–104, 118, 123–124
  • Raimund Wolfert. Charlotte Charlaque: Transfrau, Laienschauspielerin, „Königin der Brooklyn Heights Promenade“.Hentrich & Hentrich, 2021: 35-6, 78-80.
  • Raimund Wolfert & Hans Soetaert. “Karl Giese”. Stolpersteine in Berlin. Online

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