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16 May 2025

A.C. (1920 - ?) day laborer

A.C. (a name assigned by the psychologist) was the ninth of 12 children. The father, who was mean and beat all the children, ran a cotton gin and store in Arkansas. A.C. was assigned female, but even as a small child refused to wear dresses, even when starting school, where it was required for the girls. A.C. was so embarrassed and hid under a desk. The mother was able to arrange a transfer to another school where all the farm children, male and female, wore overalls. In 1932, when A.C. was 12, the father age 53 was shot to death by a drunken employee, which A.C. experienced as a relief. A.C. suffered earaches and headaches, and attributed them as nervous strain in not being accepted as male, and also suffered from malaria. A.C. was a loner, and would go to movies alone, read the Bible and attended church, although expressing the opinion that "preachers are merely money crazy”.

When A.C. was 17 there was an operation for appendicitis, and A.C. later reported that the attending physician had said that he found "internal male sex organs but they were in some way diseased or injured, and were removed". 

The mother died of cancer age 66 when A.C. was 23 years. A.C. said that the mother "was ignorant and did not understand my situation. She stated over and over again it was her fault for bringing me into the world". 

A.C. married a woman who had a daughter from a previous marriage. However their marriage was unhappy, and ended after A.C. found out that his wife was doing sex work on the quiet. At age 26, he attempted suicide by slashing his wrists, and was admitted to a mental hospital, and underwent shock treatments. He was discharged after a week with the diagnosis of “a psychopathic personality, with homosexual complications”.

He had a discontinuous relation with another woman six years younger than himself, who likewise had a child from an earlier marriage. They were ‘legally married’ in 1952, despite hostility and threats from the bride’s parents. The new wife had a few hundred dollars saved, and they invested that in a clothing business – but the business failed. A.C. sought work as a day laborer in farms, but was not always engaged. They sought a loan from the wife’s parents, although the daughter stayed away concerned that her parents would trap her in their home. A.C. went to visit them having sent a telegram to himself referring to the financial need to provide for the health of his wife’s child. The mother-in-law intercepted the telegram, and did give some money for the child’s benefit. However she then thought again, and accused A.C. of obtaining money under false pretenses in that he did not pass the money to his wife. Despite the wife’s statement that she had been given the money, A.C. was arrested, and by court order was committed to the Arkansas State Hospital in Little Rock where he was assessed by psychologist Robert S Redmount, who applied a battery of psychological tests.



The wife was by then with her parents in that she had nowhere else to go. Redmount’s final question to A.C. was: If you were granted three wishes in life, what would you want most?

(1) I want to see that professor in New York, to see if he can help me.

(2) I want them to leave me alone after I serve my time.

(3) I want my wife and I to live together and be happy, and everybody keep their mouths shut and leave us alone.

Redmount wrote up the case and published it in a psychology journal in 1933. His conclusion:

 “Underlying psychologic factors indicate that the patient's problems are of a more complicated nature. Her life-long adjustments seem to represent less an attempt to accept reality and more of a protest against it. … The process of maturation in the male role was additionally complicated by the patient's apparent underlying motivations for marital status as a husband. She needed the utilization of her marriage and her marriage partner predominantly in order to gain the support, acceptance, and protection that she originally sought in her mother. Her own immature and incomplete psychologic growth process seems to preclude the possibility of devoting herself to the role of a husband in terms of any value or goal beyond her own passive- receptive needs. That the marriage was able to maintain itself at all attests to the needs of both the patient and her wife to escape from shattering, unkind realities.

It is quite possible that, unless society provides the patient the opportunity for a social or a psychologic solution to her problems, she will culminate her protest in a fantasied retribution on society through her own self-destruction.”

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Redmount leaves the story hanging: was there a trial?; was A.C. convicted?; did he restart his marriage or did the mother-in-law keep them apart thereafter? What happened to A.C. later in life?

Of course a middle-class cishet person in 1933 Arkansas would not be subjected to a court-ordered psychological evaluation following such a dispute over money. Was the mother-in-law ever so evaluated?

Incidentally, was electro-shock treatment followed by being told that one is a 'psychopathic personality'  the standard reponse to suicide survivors in 1946?

Was the 1946 suicide attempt brought on by the break-up of the first marriage? Redmount’s account does not clarify this, but the dates fit. Lothstein attributes it to the mother’s death from cancer, although that was three years earlier.

“professor in New York”. Harry Benjamin? Was Benjamin sufficiently well-known in 1953?

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Redmount’s paper is included in Richard Green’s Bibliography addendum to Harry Benjamin’s The Transsexual Phenomenon, 1966, but is not mentioned in the text.

Joanne Meyerowitz’ How Sex Changed, 2002: 130, 136, 137, 159, 314n1, 315n15n19, 319n86 has disconnected quotes from Redmount’s account, but in such a way that the reader will not realize that they are from the same case.

Lothstein, 1983: 

“This case history is a pivotal one in that most of Redmount’s conclusions about the dynamics of the case have been accepted and supported by other investigators (oftentimes with little or no mention of Redmount’s contribution to our understanding of female transsexualism). … The importance of this case focused on two factors. The first factor was Redmount’s recognition of the psycho-dynamic triad in female transsexualism: an abusive father with whom the patient identified; a warm supportive mother who needed to be rescued (the patient reported that mother ‘was the only friend I had. When I lost her I had none.’); and a daughter who attempted to rescue her mother and protect her from the father’s onslaughts.” Lothstein’s position was that [intrafamily] “dynamics involved the transsexual-to-be identifying with a physically assaultive father who was unavailable to his weak, emotionally withdrawn wife, and having a need to rescue the mother from him (playing the role of a surrogate husband). In effect, the family dynamic, first reported by Redmount, has remained unchallenged up to the present time.”

!!!

Henry Rubin, 2003: 

“This choice, between viewing the patient’s claims as delusional or strategic, is found in many of the accounts, but nowhere as starkly as in the aforementioned report on an FTM criminally accused by his mother-in-law of fraudulent financial affairs. Dr. Robert Redmount concludes his remarks on this case with this pithy summary: ‘Her life-long adjustments seem to represent less an attempt to accept reality and more of a protest against it’ (110; emphasis added). Redmount hardly concurs that this protest is viable. His ultimate aim would be to help the patient avoid ‘her own self-destruction’ (111). The use of the female pronoun throughout these cases, plus the ubiquitous comments on the normal physiological condition of these patients, indicates the psychologists’ beliefs that these patients are delusional. Endocrinologists might defer to the patient’s desire for treatment based on the likelihood that a physiological etiology for their condition would eventually be uncovered. The psychologists could only view their patients as at worst deluded, and at best strategic.”

 

  • Robert S. Redmount. “A Case of a Female Transvestite with Marital and Criminal Complications”. The Journal of Clinical and Experimental Psychopathology, 14, 2, 1953:95-111.

  • Leslie Martin Lothstein. Female-to-Male Transsexualism: Historical, Clinical and Theoretical Issues. Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983: 23-4, 37.

  • Henry Rubin. Self-Made Men: Identity and Embodiment among Transsexual Men.Vanderbilt University Press, 2003: 56-7.

08 May 2025

Amandus Balitzki (1890 - ?) postal clerk

Balitzki was born in the then German city of Stettin, the illegitimate, later legitimate, child of a railway man and a nurse. Although raised as a girl, Balitzki had no interest in dolls or cooking, and when playing family with other girls was usually given the role of ‘father’. Comments by others re a lack of femininity were defiantly taken as a complement. At the age of 17 Balitzki was supposed to learn bookkeeping, but not liking arithmetic, gave up this occupation after half a year, then learnt floristry at the age of 19, in the belief that there was more ‘manly work’ to be done. 

With the outbreak of war in August 1914, Balitzki obtained a Transvestitenschein and was able to work as a postal clerk. From 1917 Balitzki was a patient of Magnus Hirschfeld, who presented Balitzki in his Sexualpathologie, 1918 as an example of a ‘hermaphroditic preliminary stage’ and showed the patient in a series of specially produced photographs. 

In October 1919 the Berlin Chief of Police permitted a change of first name from Amanda to Amandus, and the birth certificate was amended accordingly. This was based on an expert opinion by Hirschfeld and Arthur Kronfeld, psychiatrist and co-founder of the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft, that although born female, the ambiguity of the adult's sexual characteristics now justified assigning him to the male sex. 

However Balitzki’s mother, not only a nurse, but a midwife whose profession required the sexing of babies, did not agree. She applied for a further medical examination of her ‘daughter’ in February 1921. Amandus was then examined by the district physician Dr Schreber, who alleged fraudulent intentions, as ‘the applicant was undoubtedly of the female sex and she had led the doctors to a false opinion by providing incorrect information’. The following April, Balitzki’s authorization to use the name ‘Amendus’ was withdrawn, and his Transvestitenshein was revoked. 

Walther Niemann, a lawyer with close ties to the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee (WhK), had campaigned for name changes for several trans persons. In November 1921 he applied again for Balitzki to be allowed to be Amandus: “correction of the birth certificate [...] to the effect that a child was not born of the female sex, but of the male sex”. Niemann enclosed with his application a copy of the cited decree of the Minister of Justice on the change of first name as well as a new expert opinion by Hirschfeld who attested - without mentioning Schreber's expert opinion - that Balitzki had ‘a certain discrepancy in the physical and mental sexual characteristics’, whereby Amandus ‘was to be attributed to the male sex for predominant reasons’. It was therefore ‘medically justified and better suited to the facts to correct his sex designation in the civil register to that of the male sex’. Niemann also referred to an analogous case, namely Berthold Buttgereit, in which ‘the correction order had been issued in the same situation’. 

Niemann followed this up in January 1922 enclosing a ‘certificate of recognition’ dated 1 December 1921, in which Amandus Balitzki declared that he was ‘the father of the illegitimate child born to the seamstress Erna Blumenthal on 24 May 1921’. As such Balitzki was obliged by law to provide the child with the support ‘corresponding to the mother's position in life’. However this was too much, and the authorities did not buy it. The manoeuvre was too transparent. Balitzki was threatened with being charged with Falschbeurkundung, (false certification). In May the Ministry of Justice stated that there was no reason to grant the ‘authorisation to use the first name Amandus’ and that the ‘applicant’ should continue to use the female first name. However the letter was returned with the note ‘moved on 29 April 1922 [...] unknown’. Amandus was not accepting the result.

  • Magnus Hirschfeld. „Hermaphroditismus“. Sexualpathologie Volume 2: Sexuelle Zwischenstufen, A Marcus & E Webers Verlag, 1918: 21-3.
  • Magnus Hirschfeld. Geschlechtskunde, Volume 4, Bilderteil. Julius Puttman, 1930: 471.
  • Rainer Herrn. Der Liebe und dem Leid: Das Institut fur Sexualwissenschaft 1919-1933. Suhrkamp Verlag, 2022.

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There seems to be no record of what happened to Amandus after1922. There is a short mention in Hirschfeld’s Geschlechtskunde, but no futher details. Herrn found the applications and replies in the official records, but again nothing after 1922. Did Amandus leave Berlin? Did he survive the Third Reich? Did he and Frau Blumenthal raise the child together?